While branch stacking remains a major problem, it is concerning when some in the party persist in assuming that members from ethnic and culturally diverse backgrounds are nothing but stacks. This is not to say that exploitation of ethnic voting blocs by cynical politicians (often not even from that community) doesn't still occur. My concern is that suspicion is cast on anyone with a non-European name seeking to join the ALP as a result.
A new operations firm is promising to shake up the technology-enabled growth services industry, with Trimantium GrowthOps already signing up one of the world’s largest consumer brands in its bid to outpace traditional professional services firms.
China’s Belt and Road Initiative is one of President Xi’s most ambitious foreign and economic initiatives. It reflects a combination of economic and strategic drivers, not all of which can be easily reconciled. There are strategic drivers behind China’s Belt and Road Initiative, but it is also motivated by the country’s pressing domestic economic challenges. The combination of strategic and economic drivers is not always easy to reconcile. In some cases, China’s strategic objectives make it difficult to sell the economic aspects of the initiative to China’s neighbours. The Chinese Government is keen to use the initiative to achieve important economic policy objectives, but some Chinese financiers and policymakers are cautious about funding risky Belt and Road projects outside of China, fearing poor return on their investments. Written by ACYD alumnus Peter Cai.
It’s trite but true to say that all politics is local. Foreign policy rarely gets a look in at election time in Australia. Moreover, the conventional view is that the divisions between the two major parties on foreign policy questions are narrow enough to make little difference at the ballot box.
For many of Australians, our knowledge of the Pacific is superficial: a week spent lazing by a pool or docked in a port on board a cruise ship. However, the overarching significance of our relationship is that as a large regional player, stability and prosperity within the region matters as much to us as it does to our neighbours.
The release of the White Paper on Developing Northern Australia was met with relatively little fanfare. In some ways, this is unsurprising. The scale of other recent development initiatives such as China’s ‘One Belt, One Road’ initiative and the Asian Infrastructure Investment Bank somewhat dwarf the Commonwealth’s plan for the north.
Ageing populations present policy challenges for both Australia and China. The number of Chinese people aged over 60 has reached 202 million, representing 15.5 per cent of the population. This percentage of over 60 year-olds is up from 7 per cent in 1953, and is projected to each 24 per cent (or 302 million people) by 2050. In Australia, it is predicted that 22 per cent of the population will be over 60 years of age by 2017.
The U.S.-China bilateral relationship is widely regarded by politicians, practitioners, and pundits as the world’s most important. Effectively managing China’s reemergence as a major power in the context of a U.S.-led international order is seen as key to continuing peace and security in the Asia-Pacific. But is working together the best way for China to get what it wants?
The conclusion earlier this week of another round of international climate change negotiations -- this year held in Lima -- marked the end of a highly-charged month of climate change politics in which Australia and China featured prominently, albeit for very different reasons.
It was announced that a China-Australia Free Trade Agreement (CHAFTA) had finally been reached after more than a decade of negotiations. While most Australian media attention was focused on domestic produce, the CHAFTA also contains two provisions that affect Australian architects, which have been met with cautious optimism.